1.
Stages of Language Acquisition
A.
Piaget and Cognitive Development
Jean Piaget was
a Swiss psychologist that was famous for his four stages of cognitive development
for children. He was a huge supporter of education for children. In fact, he
believed it was the only way to save the world, in the future.
-
Sensorimotor Stage
This stage covers the first two years of life. Motor and reflex
actions are how the child learns about the world and himself or herself. The
child begins to separate himself or herself from the rest of the world.
The child begins to recognize different objects
and people. It is best to teach children at this age with sensory expressions.
A frown or a smile can be a good teaching aid. The child will also learn to
tell the difference between a soft and stern voice and what they mean.
In this stage the child will learn that once
you leave the room, you will return again. This means that he is aware that
people and objects exist that are not in his immediate circle of vision or
hearing.
-
Pre-operational Stage
This stage is from two to seven years. The
child begins to learn the difference between the written and spoken word. He still
sees things in specific groups like colors, as opposed to what they may be. He
knows they are different, but prefers to place blue things with other blue
objects for example. His thinking is related to himself and he will be
difficult to convince of things that are not his opinion.
-
Concrete and Formal
Operational
After seven years, the child begins to learn
more complex terms and begins to understand rational thought. He understands
that written language is just as important as spoken language. His language
learning is becoming complete. This is especially true as he enters
adolescence.
-
Criticism
These developmental stages are basic when it
comes to language. They are not as separated or complex as other theories.
B.
Chomsky
Noam Chomsky
[2] gives more credit to genetics than the learning process. According to
Chomsky the child has a natural ability to understand and eventually learn
language. This is also known as universal grammar.
There is also a
critical period in Chomsky's theory. This is a time of life that starts at
birth and extends into puberty. It is easier for them to pick up and comprehend
language at this time. This means that a second or third language will be
easier to learn at these ages.
Chomsky's
theory teaches that children possess language acquisition skills. This is where
the Chomsky LAD or "language acquisition device" comes into
existence. This may be compared to a built in computer program that gives
children skills to process and learn language. This may happen even if they
have limited exposure to it.
There is also a
feature of creativity in language. Language is designed for an infinite amount
of different uses and messages. It is always changing and evolving to meet our
needs. This is why children may invent words or phrases. They are unfamiliar
with a certain aspect and so they "fill in the blanks" with their
imagination.
-
Criticism
Chomsky's method often comes under criticism.
It is a very vague and general overview of language. And many feel that
language is not something that is simply given to us
-
A More Modern Approach
Caroline Bowen PHD [3] is a Speech Language
Pathologist with a doctorate degree in clinical linguistics. She has written a
great deal about linguistics and child development. In specific is her article
on "Developmental Milestones for Receptive and Expressive Language
Development".
Dr. Bowen breaks down early language
development into two categories. They are receptive language and expressive
language. Receptive language involves listening and learning to understand
language. Expressive is learning to speak and use language to communicate.
-
Receptive Stages
At less than three months of age, a baby can
recognize a familiar voice. This can be soothing and comforting to them.
Between four to six months they learn the word "no" and are amused by
things that make noises. As the child grows his comprehension increases a great
deal.. He learns about simple games, then at one year he can point at things
that he wants.
At two years of age he can understand more than
one command in a sentence. As the years go by, comprehension increases in
complexity.
-
Expressive Stages
When a tiny baby starts to recognize different
sounds, she also makes different sounds for different motions. Next is the
babbling stage as the baby experiments with her voice.
Within a few months, the babbling becomes more
coherent as vowels and syllables replace much of the babbling. Between one and
two years of age, the baby can form simple sentences.
At three her vocabulary increases by leaps and
bounds. It becomes easier for others to understand her speech. Between four and
five years of age, she begins to become fluent in her speech.
-
Criticism
This explanation is a complete description of
child language development. It does not offer a theory as to why things happen
as they do. Yet, it is very exact in its descriptions.
-
Evaluation
Language learning comes in stages and some theories are specific as
others tend to be rather vague.
Piaget explained language development in four stages. The earliest
stage was sensorimotor and had to do with basic functions. Since the child
learns with basic motor functions at this stage, it is best to teach them in
the same manner. The other three stages offer gradual increases in cognition
and speech skills. The main criticism is that this method does not go into
great detail with aspects of learning speech.
Chomsky's theory focuses more on innate and genetic gifts for
learning to speak andcomprehend language. Many people do not agree that genetics
plays that large of a role.
Dr Bowman breaks language learning into speech learning and
comprehension learning in her article "Developmental Milestones for
Receptive and Expressive Language Development". It does not offer any
explanations for the causes or reasons for the development. However, it is very
detailed and exact in its aspects of child language development.
2.
Theorists
on child language acquisition
This is a list of pyscologists/ theorists
linked to children acquiring and learning language. I have an exam coming up on
this subject in June. Many people who study English Language at A-level will
have this exam too. By the way this is a way of helping me revise and may
provide readers with some interesting information.
Chomsky- Noam Chomsky stated that children are
born with an innate knowledge of language when they are born and learning of
their native language is at high speed when hearing it from others. This links
to children overrgularising and putting grammar into utterences when they are
not needed. Chomsky is one of the most famous theorists on child language
acquisition, but becase his theories were based on his own intuitions about
English and not actually studied on real children, many theorists find flaws
within his theories and statements
Chomsky created the LAD- language acquisition
device
1)
Baby already knows about linguistic rules, as
they are born with an innate knowledge of language.
2)
The baby hears examples of his/ her native
language
3)
The linguistic rules help the baby make
estimations and presumptions about the language it is hearing.
4)
From these estimations and presumption the baby
works out grammatical sets of rules. As more language is heard the grammar
becomes more and more like adults.
Skinner- Skinner bases his theory of children
acquiring language thrugh behaviourism. Skinner states that all behaviour is
conditined e.g. punished or rewarded until it becomes natural and automatic.
Babies imitate their parents/carers and are either reprimanded or praised
according to their accuracy. This is Skinner going against Chomsky, as he
believe biology plays almost no part in the way children learn language.
Piaget- Piaget's theories on children
learning language is mainly focused around "cognitive development,"
meaning language is controlled by the development of thinking. If a baby can
use sentences involving phrases such as, "more than", "less
than" it is obvious that the concepts of "more than" must have
been grasped, before the child uses the phrase in an utternace.
Bruner- As a way of respoonding to
Chomsky's LAD learning system. Bruner theorised the lanuage acquisition support
system (LASS) Bruner states through lass that parents often use books and
images to develop their childs naming abilities and their ability to get
involved in conversation.
(LASS)
a)
Gaining attention- drawing the babies attention
to a picture
b)
Query- asking the baby to identify the picture
c)
Label- telling the baby what the object is
d) Feedback-
responding to the babies utterances
Does
Empirical Evidence Support Innateness of Language?
"The
principles and rules of grammar are the means by which the forms of language
are made to correspond with the universal froms of thought....The structures of
every sentence is a lesson in logic." — John Stuart Mill
3.1 BIOLOGICAL
BASIS OF LANGUAGE
"Human knowledge is organized de facto by
linguistic competence through language performance, and our exploration of
reality is always mediated by language" (Danchin 29). Most higher
vertebrates possessintuitive knowledge which occurs as the result of slow
evolution of species. However, the ability to create knowledge through language
is unique to humans. According to Benjamin Whorf, "language is not merely a reproducing instrument from
voicing ideas but rather is itself the shaper of ideas we dissect nature along lines laid down by
language" (Joseph 249). In addition, the development and acquisition of language
seems to be related to "complex sequential processing, and the ability to
form concepts and to classify a single stimulus in a multiple manner"
(Joseph 178). Antione Danchin suggests that the knowledge we create through
language allows us distinguish ourselves from the rest of the world
to produce models of reality, which become more and more adequate due to the
"self-referent loop" which enables us to understand ourselves as
objects under study. This "path from subject to object," which is
common to all humans, Danchin claims, suggests the existence of a universal
feature of language.
Biological foundation of language may
contribute significantly to such universality. The issue here is not whether
language is innate, for, clearly, language must be learned. Nor is the issue
whether the aptitude for learning a language is inborn: it takes a human being,
with a functional brain to learn a tongue. The question to explore is whether
there is biological foundation at the root of organization and internal structure
of language.
The scholars considering spoken language
acquisition have divided over internal and external causation dichotomy. Two
prototypical models of language acquisition are "selectivist" and
"constructivist" models, respectively. The selectivist model, which
depends on internal causation argument, can be associated with Noam Chomsky.
The selectivist model assumes that "language template is pre-organized in
the neuronal structure of the brain, so that the fact of being an integral part
of a given environment selects the borders of each individual neuronal
structure, without affecting its fine organization, which pre-exists"
(Danchin 30). The constructivist model, which assumes external causation of
language acquisition, follows lines drawn by behaviorists such as Piaget and
Skinner. This model assumes that "language is built up constantly from a
continuous interaction with a well-structured environment" (Danchin 30).
Ø Noam Chomsky's
View On Language
Noam Chomsky basic argument is that there exists
an innate language acquisition device, a neural program that prepares them to
learn language (Kandel 638). Chomsky assumes the existence of a genetically
determined system of rules, which he refers to asuniversal grammar,
underlying all tongues. According to Chomsky, a language template is set up by
the special "language organ" of the brain. Chomsky does not deny that
the importance of environmental factors in language acquisition. His claim is
that there exist strict biological invariants governing the function of
language. In explanation of his theory on the ontogenesis of spoken language,
Chomsky holds there pre-exists in humans, a language structure that is
one of the faculties of the mind, common to the
species,a faculty of language that serves the two basic functions of
rationalist theory: it provides a sensory system for the preliminary analysis
of linguistic data, and a schematism that determines, quite narrowly, a certain
class of grammars. Each grammar is a theory of a particular language, specifying
oral and semantic properties of an infinite array of sentences. These
sentences, each with its particular structure, constitute the language
generated by the grammar. The languages so generated are those that can be
"learned" in the normal way. This knowledge can then be used to
understand what is heard and to produce discourse as an expression of thought
within the constraints of the internalized principles, in a manner appropriate
to situations as these are conceived by other mental faculties, free of
stimulus control (Chomsky 12-13).
Ø B. F. Skinner's
view on language
Behaviorists view the process of language
acquisition as a building process that results from interaction with the
environment. In outlining his assertion that humans acquire spoken language as
a result of behavioral conditioning. B.F. Skinner writes:
A child acquires verbal behavior when
relatively unpattterned vocalizations, selectively reinforced, gradually assume
forms which produce appropriate consequences in a given verbal community. In
formulating this process we do not feed to mention stimuli occurring prior to
the behavior to be reinforced. It is difficult, if not impossible, to discover
stimuli which evoke specific vocal responses in the young child. There is no
stimulus which makes a child say b or a or e, as one may make him salivate by
placing a lemon drop in his mouth or make his pupils contract by shining a
light into his eyes. The raw responses from which verbal behavior is
constructed are not "elicited." In order to reinforce a given
response we simply wait until it occurs. (Skinner 31)
Skinner views the child as the "passive
subject of operant conditioning in whom randomly occurring behavior is
selectively reinforced" (Vocate 3).
3.2 LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND DEVELOPMENT
John Hughlings Jackson wrote, "No child
would ever talk unless he were taught; and no child could be taught unless he
already possessed, by inheritance, a particular series of nervous arrangements
ready for training" (Marshall 41). It is amazing hownatural language
acquisition is for children: "Language development does not begin with the
childs first efforts to learn material that is linguistic" (Locke 268).
Children are ready to learn even before birth: some acquisition of language,
such as vocal learning, begins as early as the final trimester of pregnancy
(Locke 267). Language development begins with the infants inclination to attend
and respond to certain aspects of talking behavior. Genetic factors seem to
play an important role: the infants responsiveness to facial and vocal activity
is presumed to be heavily influenced by genetic factors. Specific neural
preadaptations underlie such behavior: Clinical and electrophysiological
research reveals that humans have mechanisms that are similarly dedicated to
processing faces and facial activity (Tranel, Damasio and Damasio, 1988 as
quoted in Locke) and to voices and vocal activity (Creutzfeldt, Ojemann, and
Lettich, 1989 as quoted in Locke).
These examples of specialization in of social
cognition are important in language development. Tomasello and his colleagues
(1986, Locke 269) found a positive relationship between the amount of time
infants participated in joint attention episodes with their mothers at 15
months and extent of expressive vocabulary at 21 months. Snow (1989, Locke 269)
found that vocal imitation at 14 months was related to the number of nouns and
verbs produced, the total productive vocabulary, and the ratio of words
produced to words comprehended at 20 months. Such evidence supports Chomskys
view of the existence of deep internal structures associated with language
acquisition.
Another fascinating fact is the fast rate at
which children acquire language. The table below (adapted from Kandel) points
out that in children 12-18 months old, the vocabulary is about 30 to 50. In
children 18-24 months, the vocabulary is about 50 to several hundred (which
means, in about six months the vocabulary more than doubled). When the child
starts to walk at three years old, he has vocabulary of around 1,000 words.
This means that, in a little more than a year, a child gains around nine
hundred words about 25 words
a day!
Table
1. Stages of Development in the Acquisition of Language
Average Age
|
Language
Milestones
|
Motor
Milestones
|
6 months
|
Cooing,
changes to distinct babbling by introduction of consonants
|
Sits
using hands for support; unilateral reaching
|
1 year
|
Beginning
of language understanding; one-word utterances
|
Stands;
walks when held by one hand
|
12-18 months
|
Words used singly; repertory of 30-50 words (simple nouns,
adjectives, and action words), which cannot as yet be joined in phrases but
are used on e at a time does not use functors (the, and, can, be) necessary
for syntax, but makes good progress in understanding
|
Grasping
and release fully developed; walking; creeps downstairs backward
|
18-24 months
|
Two-word
(telegraphic) phrases ordered according to syntactic rules; vocabulary of 50
to several hundred words; understands propositional rules
|
Runs
(and falls); walks stairs with one foot forward
|
2-5 year
|
New
words every day; three or more words in many combinations; functors begin to
appear; many grammatical errors and idiosyncratic expressions; good
understanding of language
|
Jumps
with both feet
|
3 years
|
Full
sentences; few errors; vocabulary of around 1,000 words
|
Tiptoes;
walks stairs with alternating feet
|
4 years
|
Close
to adult speech competence
|
Jumps
over rope; hops on one foot; walks on a line
|
Children do not have to learn to
correct many of their mistakes, for some errors never happen. When an error is
made and corrected, it is a logical error with respect to the
usual syntactic structure (Danchin 32). In other words, children do not repeat
mistakes which must be corrected again and again. The accuracy at which children
learn new words is also amazing. Children as young as two or three years old is
not taught words in terms of definition. They pick up meanings of words in
context. For example, when I pick up a thick, black pen and tell them it is
called a "pen," children almost always understand what I mean by a
"pen." They rarely, if ever, make the mistake of thinking that what I
meant by "pen" was in reference to its being black, or thick. This
suggest that there must be some kind of intuitive system of "rules"
regarding language.

Like other neural functions, the ability to
learn language has a critical period (though this critical period may be longer
compared to others). Many theoretical works have demonstrated that an
"important regression of connectivity (and even of cell number) takes
place as learning progresses" (Danchin 33). The brain goes through
"pruning" of unnecessary connections as language development takes
place. In other words, the neuronal synaptic connections are not created, or
built, as we learn language: they pre-exist: unnecessary ones merely decay as
language learning takes place. Such processes occur in the formation of
synapses in sensory systems. For example, in development of visual system,
synaptic formation is ruled by the "fire together, wire together"
principle. Early in the developmental stage, the visual system receives
overwhelming amount of input and there is a high branching of synaptic
connections. As some inputs become more dominant (either in number or intensity)
certain synaptic connections are reinforced and other connections that are less
frequently utilized decay and disappear. No one denies the existence of strict
biological constraints that govern sensory modalities. If the neurological
development in language acquisition is parallel to the development of sensory
modality, it would be a strong evidence against the constructivist model which
insists that language is built through interaction with the
environment.
Deaf parents have a non-oral linguistic interaction with their children much earlier
than normal parents. Serazin has made observation that the neurological
development of children born from deaf parents was more normal than the
development of deaf children born to normal parents (Danchin 33). Such examples
suggest that although the individual performance is the result of interaction
with the environment, the fundamental rules of syntax are imposed by the
neuronal structure.
Another fact that supports the critical period
of language acquisition and thus the selectivist model is that the ability to
learn language fluently decreases with age. "Among Chinese and Korean
children who have immigrated to the United States there is a linear
relationship until puberty between the age of arrival and proficiency in English"
(Kandel 638). The fact that this phenomenon applies so widely suggests that
there is a biological basis that is universal.

Without a doubt, language has biological basis.
A multitude of neuronal structures and fiber pathways are involved in the
formulation, expression, and comprehension of speech and verbal thought (Joseph
253). Close studying of the organization of language in the brain may give us
important clue as to how much language acquisition is governed by biological
structures.
Dr. R. Joseph asserts that the right and left
half of the brain utilize different means of communication and sometimes rely
on different language systems (11). There is strong evidence that information
processing is carried on differently in each hemispheres of the brain. In
majority of humans, the left hemisphere, is efficient at processing spoken
language but has great difficulty processing social or emotional sounds. The
right hemisphere on the other hand is very efficient in social and emotional sounds,
but is deficient in language skills (Joseph 12).
The fact that human brain is unsymmetrical is
well known. Specialization of the left hemisphere for language in right handed
people, with relatively a few exceptions, has been generally accepted for more
than a century (Bogen 13). Although more recent studies suggest that there is
a complementary hemispheric specialization of language
functions in the brain (as opposed to the left hemisphere being the language
facilitator), the evidence still holds that left and right hemispheres differ
in their language functions.
Studies of patients after hemispherectomy, or
the "surgical removal of an entire cerebral hemisphere," support
laterilzation of linguistic functions in the brain. (Code 51). Although some researchers
suggest that the right hemisphere possesses some language abilities, it is
clear that, in general, the function of the right hemisphere is inferior that
of the left hemisphere.

One common way of studying language function is
by analyzing various language disorders and deficits. Lesions to certain parts
of the cortex lead to loss or deficit of certain functions. Studying of the
language performance in association with lesions in the brain has been
recognized well over 100 years. In general, these studies suggest localization
of language functions in the brain: a lesion to certain part of the brain may
only the production of language without disturbing the ability to comprehend
spoken speech. The aphasias are most commonly divided into three main types:
Wernickes aphasia which is characterized by a major deficit in comprehension;
Brocas aphasia which is which is characterized by deficit in production; and
conduction aphasia which is characterized by a combination of syndromes of both
Brocas aphasia and Wernickes aphasia.
The lesion in Wernickes aphasia is to Wernickes
area and often extends to the superior portions of the temporal lobe, Brodmanns
areas 39 and 40, and inferior portions of Brodmanns area 37. Wernickes area is
located in the left posterior inferior frontal part of the brain and is
adjacent to the lateral sulcus. As mentioned earlier, such lesions affect
language comprehension. Both visual and auditory inputs are impaired. Although
speech remains fluent, some difficulties with language production exist with
the more severe forms of Wernickes aphasia: paraphasia is disorder in which the
patients use the wrong word or combination of words in speech. Extra syllables
may be added words as extra words may be added to sentences. Neologism refer to
fabricating of a new word. Of the different parts of speech, nouns are most
prone to distortion. Logorrhea refers to excessive speech. People suffering
from logorrhea exhibit a phenomenon called press of speech: people may use
unnecessary words in expressing their thoughts. Empty speech is the failure of
conveying the ideas in mind. People who have this impairment are not aware that
they have such disorder (Kandel 640).
Brocas aphasia is caused by damage to the motor
association cortex in the frontal lobe, usually extending to the posterior
portion of the third frontal gyrus (Brodmanns area 44 and 45), which forms part
of the frontal operculum (Brocas area). In severe cases the surrounding
premotor and prefrontal regions (areas 6, 8, 9, 10, and 46) are also damaged
(Kandel 640).
A wide range of deficit exists in Brocas
aphasia. Patients may suffer from a slowed, simple speech to almost complete
muteness. Words may be omitted, plural nouns may be expressed in singular forms
as verbs may be left in infinitive. Patients of Brocas aphasia are generally
aware of their disorder (unlike Wernickes aphasia). The ability to read aloud
and the ability to write are also affected by Brocas aphasia.
Brocas aphasic patient Leborgne is probably the
most familiar aphasic patient in history. This famous aphasic patient is known
by his nickname Tan. "Tan" was the meaningless automatic
utterance he produced most times he attempted speech. Such utterances are
called speech automatisms in contemporary literature. Patients with speech
automatism, usually described as "globally" aphasic, have severe
deficits in the ability to utilize syntax, semantics, and phonology in
"expression or comprehension in any modality" (Code 44).
The last of the three main types of aphasia, conduction
aphasia, is caused by damage to the pathway connecting the to main language
areas (Broca and Wernickes). This pathway, arcuate fasciculus, runs in the
white matter in the temporal lobe. Injury to the supramarginal gyrus of the
parietal lobe and posterior and superior aspects of the left temporal lobe can
cause damage to the fasciculus (Kandel 641).
Studies of aphasia can offer an incredible
insight to organization of the brain for language. The occurrence of specific
language disorders caused by lesions to certain parts of the brain further
illustrate localization of functions in the brain. Given certain language
disorder, we can correlate it to a physical problem in a specific region of the
brain. Such evidence suggest that there are certain preexisting universal
biological order in the brain. If they did not preexist, how would the many
brains build synaptic connections that were similar to one another, even the
brains of people that speak different languages? Localization of linguistic
functions in the brain suggest that there are innate physical structure of the
brain which govern our learning of language.

There are always exceptions to the rule. In
some population of the people, the locus of language functions is completely
differently organized. For example, in children that were born with, or even
developed early, cortical lesions to the parts of brain that are thought to be
important in language processing, it has been shown that different parts of the
brain "take over" the functions of the damaged parts. In some cases
where the children suffered a serious damage to the left hemisphere early in
development, language deficits were not that apparent. The right hemisphere
contained the language centers. Do such evidences suggest that there really are
not preexisting biological conditions when it comes to language? Answer to this
question goes back to the language acquisition and critical period arguments:
There is evidence that suggests the regression of neuronal connectivity as
language acquisition and development takes place. As stated earlier, our brain,
rather than building from scratch, goes through "pruning of preexisting
synaptic connections in the brain: there are many ways in which these
connections can be made. Also, the brain adapts the given conditions and
function to the best of its ability. For example, we know that the patients
whose commissure has been surgically severed display a variety of behavioral
deficits. However, in people with a congenital defect in which the corpus
callosum is simply absent, there is little or no behavioral disorder. This
suggests that the two hemispheres of the brain have adapted another way of
exchanging information. Such examples merely suggest plasticity of the
connections in the brain.

There seems to be enough evidence to suggest
the existence of strict biological constraints behind our language function.
Biological evidence supports the selectivist model, which takes after Chomsky,
that plastic preorganized brain structures are shaped to their final form after
a proper interaction with the environment. There exists biological constraints
that regulate language function. Such claims, however, cannot exist without
criticism. The biological evidence, such as the functional asymmetry of the two
hemispheres of the brain, are still primarily correlational. As early as 1926,
Head stated, "with language and other higher functions, there is no such
thing as a topographical description; a description in functional terminology
is the only one available" (Caplan 121). Or as Luria insists, Chomskys
concept of grammar and his transformational rules are limited analogies rather
than accurate descriptions of the real processes involved in the formation and
decoding of speech (Luria qtd. in Vocate 3).
It seems improbable that we would understand
the actual neuronal basis of language any time soon. There is so little known
about the brain, itself. We do not know how exactly language is processed in
the brain. All the knowledge we have about the language in relation to the
physical brain, or vice versa--the physical brain in relation to language, we
have gained by merely assuming correlation based on evidences suggested by case
studies of persons with certain brain lesions and certain speech disorder that
follow that lesion. We still have very little idea concerning exactly what it
is about the fine structure of different neuronal regions that makes them an
appropriate habitat for the functions that are impaired after damage to those
areas (Marshall 53). At the same time, there is no evidence to suggest that
stimulus from the environment is the only thing of importance in mechanism of
language acquisition and development. Lateralization of language functions, organization
of the language centers in the brain, and the readiness with which children
learn language all point toward the selectivist model, which assumes the
existence of strict biological constraints. There is simply too much evidence
to disregard the idea of preexisting conditions in our brain which govern our
language abilities. Until we better understand the brain and the neuronal basis
of language, however, the debate is still widely open. To borrow Chomskys very
own words, "it remains to be seen in what respects the system that
develops is actually shaped by experience, or rather reflects intrinsic
processes and structures triggered by experience."
4.
Can Chimpanzees Talk?
Humans
seem to acquire language in a manner different from other types of behavioral
learning. The onset of language learning is sudden (around the age of 2). We
learn our native language without instruction, in fact, we can learn 2-3
languages at that age as easily as one. If we do not learn to speak between the
ages of 2 and 6, it appears that we lose the ability to speak normally the rest
of our lives. All this evidence suggests that we have a 'language organ' which other
species do not possess, a segment of our brain which is triggered by a stage of
development, much the same as walking is.
A
simple way to disprove this Innateness Hypothesis, as linguists call it, is to
demonstrate that other species have the capacity to speak but for some reason
simply have not developed speech. A logical candidate for such a species is the
chimpanzee, which shares 98.4% of the human genetic code. Chimpanzees cannot
speak because, unlike humans, their vocal cords are located higher in their
throats and cannot be controlled as well as human vocal cords.
It
does not follow from their lack of speech, however, that chimpanzees are
incapable of language, that is a human-like grammar. Perhaps they can acquire
grammar and speak if they could only use grammar some way other than with a
voice. The obvious alternative is sign language, since all primates have
extremely dexterous hands and sign language is a language. You have probably
already read about the regular chimpanzees Washoe and Nim
Chimpsky, and the lowland gorilla Koko, all
of whom learned to sign and interact very naturally with their trainers. All of
these animals were taught to sign in order to get food, tickling, grooming,
toys, and to get out of their cages. The question, then, is whether chimpanzee
and gorilla signing is language; is it based on grammatical rules?
4.1
What is Language?
We have all managed to get around in a foreign country by 'talking
with our hands'. This is possible because language is not the only symbolic
means of communication. In order to prove that chimpanzees and gorillas are
capable of language, and not simply a different kind of symbolic communication
system, they must learn a sign language with the basic characteristics of human
language. These include the following.




The table was covered with junk food.
We'd better table this motion.
The chair was inviting.
She can chair a meeting harshly.
Chimps must be able to determine meaning on the basis of sentence
context. Any dog or horse can learn to associate one sound with one meaning.

That bit of
free knowledge pointed out that sentences contain not words, but lexemes and
morphemes. Lexemes are not so interesting because they are simple symbols:
sound-meaning pairs. Morphemes are more interesting because they refer to the
grammatical categories which define language and their meaning varies with
context: "John was painting [verb] a painting [noun] while painting
[participle] his room." In order to prove that pongids are using language
and not a simply a semantic system concatenating ordinary symbols, there must
be evidence of those arbitrary morphological categories which distinguish
language from other types of communication systems and cognition (mental)
processing.
It is possible
to communicate using symbols (audible or visual) plus a semantic strategy for
interpreting the meaning of symbol combinations. For example, if I were to say
simply CAR HIT MAN, and you knew the meanings of these three words, you could
figure out that some car probably hit or will hit some man-even without
grammar. However, language is different. With the grammatical rules of
language, not only can we specify tense, but word (lexeme) order actually plays
a subordinate role. I could say the following in English, using the same lexeme
order but with a wide variety of meanings:
The car hits the man.
The car was hit by the man.
Did the car hit the man?
The car that hit the man...
Notice the wide
variation in the meaning of the sequence car hit
man when joined by
grammatical morphemes, the markers of the grammar of a language. Morphemes are
critical to the understanding of the intent of the speaker in these sentences.
So if we wish to prove that chimps are capable of language and not simply a symbolic
communication system, we must demonstrate that they can learn and manipulate
morphemes and syntax, as opposed to simple absolute symbols plus semantic
strategies for interpreting them. Grammar is the soul of language and
morphology is the expression of grammar.
4.2
So, Can Chimps Talk?
The evidence is mixed but not promising. Chimps and gorillas can
easily learn up to 120 different arbitrary symbols if taught those signs using
conventional reinforcement techniques. Trainers teach chimps these symbols by
taking the chimp's hand and forming the symbol, then giving the chimp a food
treat if he does it himself on the correct cue. It takes as many as 100 tries
to get a chimpanzee to correctly form one sign. All symbols thus far have been
absolute symbols whose meaning do not vary with context.
Kanzi, an unusually intelligent Bonobo chimp recently trained at Georgia
State University, is remarkable in that he learned to use around 200 symbols on
a portable electronic symbol board, a computer with buttons in the shape of
absolute arbitrary symbols, rather than manual signs. More interestingly, Kanzi
learned how to use this board while watching his foster mother, Matata, being
taught by traditional reinforcement methods. So Kanzi did learn how to use
arbitrary symbols without being taught, although he did observe direct
reinforcement of each symbol during the process and the symbols were taught one
at the time.
The evidence for the mastery of syntax is not so convincing. While
chimpanzees can learn to order their symbols to get what they want, it is not
clear that they have mastered syntax. The reason is that when they initiate
communication, even adult chimps often abandon the order they have learned and
phrases such as fight mad Austin (a famous utterance of Kanzi's friend
Panbinisha), but the order doesn't seem to matter. Apparently Panbinisha was
trying to express, "there was a fight at Austin's and someone (Austin?)
was mad". It is interesting that even human children simply don't make
such errors once language acquisition begins and certainly adult speakers would
never utter such strings. Notice it lacks any morphemes (-ing, at, I,she, -ed), the hallmarks of grammar.
There have been occasional reports of chimps signing new
combinations of words in an acceptable order in response to new situations. Washoe, for example, once was in a boat on a pond when she encountered
her first duck. She signed 'water bird'. This could be a new compound noun or
it could be two separate responses to the water and a bird. The problem is that
we have no way of measuring the chimp's intent.
Perhaps the most troubling outcome of the chimp and gorilla research
is the lack of"Jabberwocky" evidence: none of the trained animals seem to assimilate
grammatical morphemes. The best translation of a chimpanzee phrase
corresponding to 'Give me the orange' is 'give Washoe/me orange' (whereWashoe/me is the hand pointing back at the
signer). There is no evidence of tense, number, agreement, articles, or
pronouns in primate signing. Certainly prefixes and suffixes do not exist. This
is important for the symbols mastered thus far by chimps are absolute symbols
that refer to real things in the real world, on a par with a system of highway
signs. Grammatical morphemes refer exclusively to the categories and relations
of grammar and represent the decisive proof that an organism is using language.
Why can't chimps and gorillas use grammatical categories?
The maximum number of lexeme symbols (simple nouns, verbs, and
adjectives) is interesting, too. The brightest chimpanzees master fewer than
200 of these symbols by adulthood. Human children know about 50 by the time
they are 18 months old, when they begin learning nouns, verbs, and adjectives
at the rate of about 5 per day. So the maximum achievement in symbol
acquisition among other primates is more than matched by human children before
the onset of language acquisition. In fact, the type of phrases spoken by
chimpanzees and gorillas also resemble those spoken by children before they
acquire their first language: "give orange" or "give Bobby
orange" (without the pronoun me) are common expressions of children who
have not yet learned to speak.
The results suggest that while chimpanzees and gorillas are far
more intelligent than anyone had imagined during the first half of this
century, they are not capable of human language. Rather, they have a primitive
version of the semantic ability children use to begin learning language. Even
though we are 98.4% genetically identical to chimpanzees, the difference is
nonetheless qualitative, not quantitative. That is, the difference is not that
we simply differ in the quantity of intelligence we have, but human beings seem
to have a different kind of intelligence. The philosophical implications of
this conclusion are interesting but Dr. Goodword will leave that for a phantom
philosopher.
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